People Like Us

“People Like Us” was published in the September 2003 issue of The Atlantic Monthly. Using a series of examples to compare different areas of the United States, author and political commentator David Brooks argues that although America prides itself on being a diverse nation, its population actively self-segregates along multiple demographic lines.

The essay begins by painting a picture of an unlikely community where “a black Pentecostal minister lives next to a white anti-globalization activist, who lives next to an Asian short-order cook, who lives next to a professional golfer, who lives next to a postmodern-literature professor and a cardiovascular surgeon” (Paragraph 1). This fantasy neighborhood is intentionally hyperbolic and invites the reader to consider the vast array of people in the United States, most of whom do not interact with each other. In fact, the author states, almost everyone in the country “group[s] themsel[f] with people who are basically like themsel[f]” (Paragraph 1). In fact, these divisions are only deepening, even as American institutions increasingly pay attention to diversity.

Brooks starts with a side-by-side comparison of groups that are demographically similar but retain strict geographic divides. His first example is lawyers who work in Washington, DC. Many of these lawyers live just outside the city in Maryland or Virginia. On the surface, these suburbs seem identical, with similar housing costs and communities of professionals who commute into Washington. Yet Virginia attracts Republican lawyers, while Maryland attracts Democrats. Brooks extends this comparison across the country, showing distinct differences between neighborhoods in Manhattan, Los Angeles suburbs, and towns in Georgia.

The article continues by outlining the ways in which Americans divide themselves not only by race and economic status, but also by political views, level of education, and lifestyle. Brooks cites Boulder, Colorado, as a primary example; the city became famous as a haven for “politically progressive mountain bikers” (Paragraph 3), which led to an influx of more people who conform to that lifestyle. Similar trends toward increased homogeneity have occurred in other parts of the country. The article describes certain newly built suburbs in Arizona and Nevada that originally housed a wide range of demographics. Over time, these suburbs began to homogenize along largely racial lines, with certain areas becoming primarily Hispanic, others primarily Asian, etc.

Statistical data upholds the idea of a very segregated America. Marketing firm data on the habits and interests of the American population show that specific areas follow specific trends quite closely. These firms collect general information, such as annual income and age, from people in target areas. They also track more specific information, like television consumption habits, grocery store purchases, magazine subscriptions, and choice of vehicle. Brooks explains that Claritas, one of the largest marketing organizations at the time of the article’s writing, divides the United States into 61 demographic groups that account for almost every community. Companies use this information to choose where to sell their products, with highly successful results.

In addition to discussing the lack of diversity in American communities, “People Like Us” argues that institutions like colleges, which promote diversity intensively on a surface level, are in practice not very diverse—particularly in the realms of politics and religion. Brooks illuminates the lack of conservative and religious viewpoints in academia, suggesting that universities’ concept of diversity treats race as its only measure . He suggests a vicious cycle; universities (Brown is the example given) tend to employ nonreligious, left-leaning professors, who would feel uncomfortable “sharing an office with someone who was pro-life, a member of the National Rifle Association, or an evangelical Christian” (Paragraph 14). If a new applicant revealed themselves as belonging to one of these categories, Brooks suggests, they would be either consciously or unconsciously ranked lower in the hiring process. Thus, someone with conservative views who might otherwise choose a career in academia is likely to apply elsewhere, feeling that academia is inaccessible to them.

In the end, Brooks does not definitively state whether the lack of diversity in the United States is a bad, neutral, or good thing. The essay suggests that it is likely a combination of the three; the author encourages the reader to step outside their comfort zone and seek out cultures that they may not regularly experience. The essay identifies several cultural categories into which Americans are particularly prone to segregate themselves, including race, cultural background, income level, educational level, and political beliefs.